In
the year 1938 Britain was no longer the admiration of the world,
except for her automotive industry, and this flourished thanks to one
man: William Richard Morris, Viscount of Nuffield. He was another,
the British Henry
Ford, so everything
seemed to be possible for his Nuffield
Organisation. The
Organisation produced more and more motorcars, like this MG
PA-based racer, with a still unique in Europe reputation for
producing high-quality cars and a policy of cutting prices.
Lothar
Spurzem (edited by Alchemist-hp) - Own work, CC
B-Y 2.0
You
may read in the English language Wikipedia that: "Bryant was in
fact a Nazi sympathiser and fascist fellow-traveller, who only
narrowly escaped internment as a potential traitor in 1940."
That's unfortunately a phoney information. The judgement of his
attitude as "English romantic exceptionalism" seems to be
far more accurate. So, it would be much better to read some of his
own opinions.
“The
huge allocations for the material of war that Britain has been making
over the past few months bring fear of another world war to the
hearts of many.”
“But
the past policy of Britain, when she tried by example to induce the
other nations of the world to work for peace by disarming, brought
feelings of greater alarm to the majority of the peoples of the
Empire.” So much introduction to the subject, from the then time
Australian press, and
now some another phrases, depicting these remarkable views.
(Rearmament,
The Beaudesert Times (Qld. : 1908 - 1954), Fr.
April 30
1937, p.
4)
“Mr.
Arthur Bryant, writing in the "London Illustrated News,"
commends rearmament, and in doing so draws a vivid picture of the
wealthy British Empire, in a weakened state, being ravaged by a pack
of avaricious wolves, who wreck the whole of present-day civilisation
in their mad, greedy lust. He says it is no doubt a fine thing that
Britain should at last be rearming.”
“In
this world there can only be peace when wealth and power are in the
same hands.”
“Once
let them be divided and an ugly scramble is certain to ensue.” He
made it clear that all countries that only want to take over a
number of economically undeveloped British colonies
are rogue states too.
“So
long, for instance, as the temporal power is as firmly maintained as
it is in England, no man is likely to covet the works of art in the
National Gallery. But abolish the Metropolitan
Police Force in the
name of human brotherhood and the steps of the National Gallery would
probably run red with the blood of art dealers and collectors.”
Then
he compared all other nations to farm labourers who could not
accumulate wealth in their lifetime, due to their inborn stupidity
Even
if such peoples could divide all British protected areas among
themselves, he did not believe that they could do anything about it.
“A British Empire
unarmed is, therefore, a standing
temptation to every necessitous nation.
To keep it unguarded is like leaving money on the dressing-table of a
house whose servants
are notoriously in want of it. So a Britain rearmed will be a Britain
that has ceased to be an incitement
to a war of partition,
and that at least will be very much to
the world's good.
For however we came by our [colonial] possessions, they are
infinitely of more use to mankind when peaceably
preserved in one strong hand
than when snatched and fought for by many weak ones.” So,
now we could much better understand why the
Munich conference has provided peace for tomorrow, but not for the
day after tomorrow.
Then,
as if to soften the bad impression among the numerous foreigners who
had knowledge of English at that
time already, the later
Sir Arthur added: “We must be realists in a world of realists.”
Bryant's
further arguments were also a hint for British politicians, or rather
they were a reflection of the views of the Britain' and her dominions
deep staters
“But
there are one or two other considerations which even realists must
take into account. It is right that we should prepare for war in
order to remove the temptation of war. But it is not right that we
should prepare for war in order to have war. And there is more than a
tendency in Britain to-day to talk of our war-like preparations as
though they were an inevitable and even rather exciting prelude to
war itself. [...]
For
the greatest enthusiasts for this new Armageddon — like the last, a
war to end war — are the extreme pacifists of a few years ago.
These dyed-in-the-wool
heroes of Geneva
and the Albert Hall look round like Hotspur and ask for blood.”
The
then famous publicist did not hesitate to explain the purpose of all
the British rearmament
At
the same time, the principle was clear to him; fools
and the weak nations must be leaved to the wolves.
“For it would appear that the war that is to come is not to be
fought in defence of threatened national interests, but for something
far nobler — the cause of collective security. It is to be a
crusade, and one in
which a rearmed Britain is to play a leading and glorious role. An
outbreak of hostilities in a remote corner of Europe is to be
followed, in the name of human goodwill and reason, by a world war.
The misery of a few thousands is to become the misery of millions.”
It
was really ironical!
The
Britishers, at these crucial moments in the world history, have
unbelievably overestimated their powers and possibilities. In
connection with this they have made the decision not to voluntarily
cede a single square mile from their empire to other European
countries or to Japan. On the basis of this false premise, Britain’s
upper class has probably chosen to wage new great war, only for preserving
the command of the sea.
The
consequences of such policies couldn’t be other as only
devastating. As a result of the second huge clash between the
Prussian-German spirit of extreme discipline and sacrifice and the
Anglo-Saxons, the winners also were losers. The British Empire,
formed for the previous three hundred years, has ceased to exist
within the next thirty years. Sir Arthur Bryant, the historian of
his country, should live his earthly life long enough to see the
dissolution of the largest world state in world history and to praise
it's pitiful end as a reasonable and useful thing.
